Arakan History
INTRODUCTION
Largely unknown to the Western world for much of its tur¬bulent history, Arakan
played a pivotal role in the exchange of cultures and religions between India
and Southeast Asia. For over a thousand years the region which now forms the
Rakhine State of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) was an inde¬pendent state whose
rich history is only slowly being paid the attention it deserves. Stretching
along the Bay of Bengal, from the Naaf River which separates it from Bangladesh
to Cape Negrais in southern Burma, it occupies the narrow strip of land to the
west of the mountains of the Arakan Yoma (Range). Land and sea routes connected
it with Bengal to the west and Burma proper to the east, routes that were
travelled by peo¬ples, religions and cultures. When its neighbours were weak,
Arakan was able to expand its influence along the coast to the east, west and
south. At other times strong and aggressive neigh¬bouring states would drive the
Arakanese back to their home¬land in the north or, at times, seek to conquer
them.
Arakan's heartland was in its north, based on the rich alluvial flood plains of
the adjoining Kaladan and Le-mro valleys. The earliest cities were in the
Kaladan valley, backed by hills and facing west, and were thus open to influence
from India and beyond. Subsequently cities were founded west of the Le-mro
River, more accessible to Burma proper. The greatest city, Mrauk-U, bestrides
the gap between these two valleys and thus could control both. All these cities
were accessible to the Bay of Bengal through the tidal Mayu, Kaladan and Le-mro
Rivers and their tributaries.
From the early centuries of the present era Arakan was ruled by kings who
adopted Indian titles and traditions to suit their own environment. Indian
Brahmins conducted the royal cer¬emonial, Buddhist monks spread their teachings,
traders came and went and artists and architects used Indian models for
in¬spiration. In the later period, there was also influence from Islamic courts
of Bengal and Delhi. As an important centre for trade and as a goal of Buddhist
pilgrims it was also the recipi¬ent of influence from other cultural centres in
Southeast Asia. But the peoples of Arakan - like their counterparts elsewhere In
the region - also followed older traditions connected with their land and the
spirits which guarded it. Many of these still survive in fertility and spirit
cults, or have been absorbed into the Buddhist Pantheon.
Arakan was discovered and forgotten by the rest of the world as its power rose
and fell. In the first century AD the Alexandrian geographer Ptolemy knew it as
Argyre, the land of silver, which was visited by merchants from southern India.
Chinese Buddhist pilgrims of the seventh century knew it and the area of east
Bengal within its cultural sphere as A-li-ki-lo or Harikela. The Burmese
inscriptions of Pagan and Ava from the twelfth to fifteenth centuries refer to
the Country as Rakhaing, the Tibetan historians Rakhan, and the Sri Lankan
chronicles Rakhanga. Portuguese explorers from the fifteenth century call it
Rachani and Aracan, and were followed in this by the later Dutch and English
traders. The spelling 'Arakan' became standard in the eighteenth century.
After Arakan was annexed to India by the British in 1826 a number of
scholar-administrators began to study in antiqui¬ties, and in 1889 Dr Emil
Forchhammer, a Swiss Pali scholar employed by the Government of India, undertook
a survey of the sites of the old cities and the major monuments. His
com¬prehensive account remains the best to date. Later archaeolo¬gists found
sites like Pagan in central Burma more accessible and attractive than those in
remote and malarial Arakan, al¬though the region was visited briefly by Charles
Duroisclle all 1920 and by U Lu Pe 'Will in 1940, Nevertheless, the sites always
attracted Arakanese scholars, especially U San Shwe Bu who worked with British
colleagues in the writing, of Arakanese history. A resurgence of interest led by
key Arakanese in the Burmese central government in the 1970s led to further
study being undertaken by Professor of architecture U Myo Myint Sein and to the
present writer's work on the cultural history of the early period. Some Vesali
sites were excavated in the 1980s by the present Director-General of the
Department of Archae¬ology in Myanmar, U Nyunt Han. Recognising the tourist
potential of the region, the government declared the old city of Mrauk-U a
Heritage area in 1996. It is now committed to funding restoration of key
shrines, and excavation of the place sites of Vesali and Mrauk-U underway.
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
We cannot be sure who the earliest inhabitants of Arakan were. Most probably
they included some minor¬ity groups still surviving in the remoter areas: the
Chin, the Mro and the Sak. The dominant group today, the Rakhaing, appear to
have been an advance guard of Burmans who began to cross the Arakan Yoma in the
ninth century. The traditional histories of the country claim the origins of the
Arakanese people in a remote past when the legendary hero-ancestor of the
Arakanese, Marayu, founder of the first city, Dhanyawadi, is said to have
married the daughter of a Mro chief and to have cleared the country of Bilus,
demon-like creatures who may have been Chills. These histories incorporate
earlier traditions and legends.
From around the 4th century other sources begin to contrib¬ute to our
interpretation of the history of the country. Most important are the art and
architecture which tell the story of the development of religious ideas and
beliefs and help us lo¬cate the origins of these through all analysis of their
style. The political history is outlined in the inscriptions of the rulers,
notably those of the Shit-thaung pillar, a great stone stele in¬scribed by kings
from the 6th century and carried from capital to capital until it reached
Mrauk-U in the 16th. The lists of kings the inscriptions contain are verified by
coins bearing their names. And we have local histories, mostly written by
Bud¬dhist clergy, recounting stories of kings and shrines and draw¬ing in part
from an earlier oral tradition.
Buddhist traditions are the most important in the formation of Arakan's culture,
as indeed, is the case in the rest of Burma. As with other sites in Burma and in
the rest of Southeast Asia, these traditions tell of the Buddha flying to the
city of Dhanyawadi, accompanied by his disciples, and converting King
Candrasuriya ("Sun-and-Moon"), after which he con¬sented to have an image of
himself made in commemoration of the event. This was the famous Mahamuni ("Great
Sage") image, known throughout the Buddhist world and desired by kings who
sought to conquer the country in order to carry away this powerful prize. The
history of this image is entwined with that of Arakan.
The tradition of the origin of the Mahamuni image can be interpreted as an
allegorical account of the introduction of Buddhism to Arakan. The first
evidence we have of Buddhism is in the early sculpture of the Mahamuni shrine at
Dhanyawadi.
DHANYAWADI
CIRCA MID-4TH TO EARLY 6TH CENTURIES AD
Dhanyawadi (Pali Dhannavati, "grain-blessed") was a city typical of the earliest
phase of urbanization in Southeast Asia during the first centuries of the
Christian era. While ele¬ments of its culture undoubtedly derived from India, it
shares many characteristics with other centres in mainland Southeast Asia linked
by the sea, the Pyu polities of present-day Burma, and the Mon of Dvaravati in
Thailand and Oc-Eo in southern Vietnam.
Located in country with the capacity to produce three crops of paddy rice a
year, Dhanyawadi had access to the hills and the products of the hill tribes
such as beeswax and stick-lac, as well as to the sea via the Tharechaung, a
tributary of the Kaladan River. During the early centuries of the present era
maritime trade between China, India and Europe was stimulated by the
interruption of the central Asian overland trade routes. India's demand for
gold, and the Roman empire's demand for the ex¬otic products of the Orient, led
traders from India and the Middle East - often Arabs - to explore alternative
sources. This brought Arakan into new trading networks. Contact with In¬dia
brought new ideas. Later inscriptions and local historical traditions remember
ancestors who were probably local chiefs, who adopted Indian religion and
statecraft to increase their power and become kings.
This process, generally referred to as "Indianization" was an extension of the
spread of certain aspects of south Asian civili¬zation which had been taking
place for over a millennium in India itself, diffusing eastward and southward
from its centre in the northwest of the Indian subcontinent until it finally
reached western Southeast Asia: what is now Burma, Thailand, Southern Vietnam,
Cambodia and the western sectors of Indo¬nesia. The concept of divine kingship,
which had been im¬plicit in the Indian tradition, became explicit in Southeast
Asia where the rulers sought to validate their hold over different ethnic groups
and to control the means of production in a context wider than the traditional
village.
Professor Paul Wheatley has described the transformation of village culture to
the civilization of the city-state in terms of the changes in society which this
"Indianization" brought about. The maintenance of a state appropriate to
kingship required the ministrations of increasing numbers of craftsmen and
arti¬sans, the most skilled of whom were often accommodated within the royal
compound. It required the labour of a peas¬antry who contributed the surplus
produce of their fields as a tax in kind for the support of the court, and a
band of armed retainers who acted as household guards, organised the peas¬antry
as militia and enforced the authority of the ruler. Mate¬rial defences - walls
and moats protecting the palace and the city - were constructed and the
city-state, the nagara, evolved. These transformations saw the tribal chieftain
replaced by a divine king, shaman by brahmin priest, tribesmen as cultiva¬tors
by peasants, tribesmen as warriors by an army, and fa¬voured the development of
occupational specialisation. They were reflected in the conversion of the
chief's hut into a pal¬ace, the spirit house into a temple, the object of the
spirit cult into the palladium of the state, and the boundary spirits which
previously had protected the village into Indianized Lokapalas presiding over
the cardinal directions.
This process can clearly be traced in Arakan, which received Indian culture by
land from Bengal and by sea from other parts of India. The Anandacandra
inscription on the Shit-thaung stele, after listing the ancestral monarchs, says
that a king called Dvan Candra, possessed of righteousness and fortune,
conquered 101 kings and built a city "which laughed with heavenly beauty"
sur¬rounded by walls and a moat. From the inscription we can de¬duce that Dvan
Candra ruled from around 370-425AD, and that he was the founder of the
Dhanyawadi of the chronicles.
Lying, west of the ridge between the Kaladan and Lc-mro riv¬ers, Dhanyawadi
could be reached by small ships from the Kaladan Via the its tributary, the
Tharechaung. Its city walls were made of brick, and form an irregular circle
with a perimeter of about 9.6 kilometres, enclosing an area of about 4.42 square
kilometres. Beyond the walls, the remains of a wide moat, now silted over and
covered by paddy fields, are still visible in places. The re¬mains of brick
fortifications can be seen along the hilly ridge which provided protection from
the west. Within the city, a similar wall and moat enclose the palace site,
which has an area of 0.26 square kilometres, and another wall surrounds the
palace itself.
As was the case in the contemporary Pyu cities of central Burma, the majority of
the population would have lived within the outer city, whose walls also enclosed
the fields in which they worked. At times of insecurity, when the city was
subject to raids from the hill tribes or attempted invasions from neigh¬bouring
powers, there would have been an assured food supply enabling the population to
withstand a siege. The city would have controlled the valley and the lower
ridges, supporting a mixed wet-rice and taungya (slash and burn) economy, with
local chiefs paying allegiance to the king.
From aerial photographs we can discern Dhanyawadi's irri¬gation channels and
storage tanks, centred at the palace site. Throughout the history of Arakan, and
indeed the rest of early Southeast Asia, the king's power stemmed from his
control of irrigation and water storage systems to conserve the monsoon rains
and therefore to maintain the fertility and prosperity of the land. In
ceremonies conducted by Indian Brahmins the king was given the magic power to
regulate the celestial and terrestrial forces in order to control the coming of
the rains which would ensure the continuing prosperity of the kingdom.
The renowned Mahamuni shrine is situated on a hill north¬east of the palace
site. This may have been the location of an earlier fertility cult, controlled
by local chiefs and absorbed into Buddhism as Indian influence strengthened. The
shrine was to become the centre of a Buddhist cult but would incorporate earlier
beliefs surrounding the spirits of the earth and the pro¬tectors of the land.
While the shrine was attacked, destroyed and rebuilt many times over the
centuries, and its holy image finally transported to the Burmese capital of
Mandalay after the conquest of Arakan in 1784, many ancient and now badly dam-
Sculptures still remain. Traditionally regarded as deities protecting the
central image, they are stylistically comparable to the art of the late Gupta
period in India, from around the fifth and sixth centuries AD. There are
indications that the dei¬ties they represent belong to the Mahayana Buddhist
pantheon.
VESALI
- CIRCA 6TH TO 8TH CELNI LRIES AD
Some nine kilometres south of Dhanyawadi is the next im¬portant city, Vesali
(Wethali), founded around the begin¬ning of the sixth century and named after
the Indian city of Vaisali, famous in Buddhist tradition. We do not know
pre¬cisely when the centre of power moved to Vesali, but inscrip¬tions and
sculptures found in the vicinity of the city can be dated from around the sixth
century. Vesali is flanked by the Rann-chaung, a tributary of the Kaladan, to
the west, and the ridge between the Kaladan and Le-mro Rivers to the east. As at
Dhanyawadi we find an oval-shaped city wall encompassing an area of seven square
kilometres, protected by a moat which still fills with water in the wet season.
In its centre the palace site, also surrounded by a moat, contains a royal lake.
More easily reached by the overland route from India, it also took advantage (if
increased trade in the Bay of Bengal at the time and its influence spread to
southeast Bengal. Its material re mains show that it was in contact not only
with the Pyu of central Burma but also the pre-Angkorian cultures further east.
As was the case at Dhanyawadi, there was a large temple com¬plex to the
northeast of the palace. Excavations in the 1980s unearthed the remains of a
Buddhist monastic complex and a royal shrine containing the stone image of a
bull. This was the royal insignia of the Candra dynasties which ruled at both
Dhanyawadi and Vesali and who claimed to belong to the lin¬eage of the Hindu god
Siva, although they themselves pro¬fessed Buddhism, probably of the Mahayanist
persuasion. Such religious synthesis was not unusual in Southeast Asia, where
Brahmins of Indian origin have traditionally conducted the royal ceremonial
which Buddhism, disdaining class hierarchy, did not aspire to, even in Buddhist
courts.
Our knowledge of the history of this period is based not only on the
archaeological remains, but also on inscriptions, impor¬tantly those on the
pillar now preserved at the Shit-thaung tem¬ple at Mrauk-U. The Shit-thaung
pillar inscription of Anandracandra, who ruled Vesali in the 8th century,
records a genealogy of some 22 kings ruling from the late 4th century, the
earlier kings probably at Dhanyawadi. Anandacandra is described as a Buddhist
who established monasteries, caused images to be made, and welcomed monks from
other lands including the Buddhist clergy of Sri Lanka, to whom he sent an
elephant and robes. He did not neglect other religions, repairing "deva"
shrines, probably Hindu in character which were erected by former kings, and
establishing buildings for the local Brahmins, whom he also provided with land,
servants and musicians. Amongst the sculptural remains from Vesali there are
stone and bronze votive stupus which give us an idea of the architec¬ture of the
time, Buddha images showing contact with the Pvu of central Burma and the
monastic establishments of Bengal, and a remarkable series of Visnu images,
indicating the impor¬tance of that sect.
Although the extent of the lands controlled by the Dhanvawadi, Vesali, Le-mro
and Mrauk-U kings would have changed under differing political and economic
circumstances, the spread of historical remains indicates that from around the
6th century most of the Kaladan and Le-mro valleys came within their influence.
So, for example, the discovery of a Vesali period Hindu shrine within the walls
of Mrauk-U, for instance, gives an indication of the extent of the lands
controlled by that city. Contact with the Pyu of central Burma is evidenced by a
Pall inscription found in Mrauk-U, and another in Pyu script from Thandwe
(Sandoway).
From the middle of the 8th century east Bengal, Arakan and the Pyu cities of
central Burma were disrupted by waves of incursions of Tibeto-Burman-speaking
peoples. These were the Mranma (in modern Burmese, Myanmar) who were eventu¬ally
to make Pagan their capital, and the people who were to rule Arakan and call
themselves Rakhuin (Rakhaing).
In the 9th or 10th century the administrative centre may have moved to the
Mrauk-U area. The chronicles record the building of two new cities on the
Mrauk-U plain, the last over¬run by invaders from the west. Some recent
discoveries dating from this period show that close links with Eastern India had
been maintained.
CITIES OF THE LE-MRO VALLEY
- 11TH-15TH CENTURIES
With the rise of the Burmese capital at Pagan a series of small Arakanese
cities, Sambawak, Parein, Hkrit, and Launggret, succeeded each other on the
lowlands west of the Le-mro River, while Toungoo Neyinzara was on its eastern
side. This location gave these cities more access to Burma than their
predecessors had. Smaller than their predecessors, almost noth¬ing remains of
their walls and palaces.
The first capital, Sambawak was believed to have been founded by a descendant of
the Candra kings of Vesali in 1018 AD. The power of Pagan was reaching its
zenith at the time, and though access was difficult across the Arakan Yoma,
Pagan kings often attempted to raid Arakan and to carry away its palladium, the
Mahamuni image. Instead of being a country whose influence was felt in Bengal,
Arakan became a tributary of Pagan and her power curtailed. Her cities were
small and her hold on more remote territories weak. According to the chronicles,
a usurper ultimately ascended- the throne and the royal family had to take
refuge at the Burmese king Kyanzittha's court at Pagan. When the rightful line
was restored with the assistance of the Burmese, King Letya-min-nan moved the
capi¬tal to Parein in 1 118 AD. Launggret was founded in 1237 AD, at a time when
Pagan's power was beginning to wane, and after a few years managed to become
independent and began to again expand its authority to Bengal to the west and
Cape Negrais to the south. The art of this period is strongly influenced by that
of Pagan and reflects increasing religious contact with Sri Lanka, then the
centre of Theravadin Buddhism.
In 1404 AD Burmese forces occupied Launggret and drove out the king, Min Saw
Mun, who fled to.the Sultanate of Gaur in Bengal. Islam had been taking hold in
Bengal from the 13th century, and the Bengal Sultanate, independent of Delhi,
was founded in the mid-14th century. It was natural that Arakan, threatened from
the west, should turn to its eastern neighbour with which it had centuries of
contact. Weak but strategically desirable, it became a pawn in the struggle for
power between the Burmans, now with their capital at Ava, and the Mons of lower
Burma, with their capital at Pegu.
It is said that Min Saw Mun returned to Arakan with the assistance of an armed
levy from the Sultan of Gaur. Following the advice of his astrologers he left
the ill-omened Launggret and founded the last of the old great capitals,
Mrauk-U, in 1433.
MRAUK-U 1433-1785 AD
The Portuguese Jesuit, Father A. Farrinha, SJ, who trav¬elled to Mrauk-U in
1639, wrote Mrauk-U, called Arakan by the many foreigners who visited it,
occupies a unique site. Situated in low land within a series of parallel ranges
it commands both the Kaladan and Le-mro valleys and has access to the two main
rivers, and therefore the Bay of Bengal, by both land and water.
After Min Saw Mun's return, the country remained tributary to the Bengal
Sultanate for a hundred years. The kings, though Buddhists, used Mohammedan
titles in addition to their own names, some issuing coins bearing the kalima,
the Muslim dec¬laration of faith, in Persian script. Min Saw Mun's brother, All
Khan, managed to occupy the Bengali coastal town of Ramu and his son Ba Saw Pru,
also known as Kalimah Shah, is said to have occupied Chittagong.
The twelfth king of the line, Min Bin, who ruled from 1531 to 1553 saw Arakan
reach the height of its power. Two factors assisted him in this: the arrival of
the Portuguese and civil war in Bengal.
In the sixteenth century the Portuguese were the world's fin¬est mariners. They
arrived in the Bay of Bengal seeking to con¬vert the heathen to Catholicism, and
in doing so to promote trading opportunities. The Arakanese saw that by granting
ter¬ritorial concessions and trade openings, they could benefit through the
Portuguese mastery of seamanship and their mod¬ern knowledge of arms and
fortification. Min Bin thus turned Mrauk-U into the strongest fortified city of
the Bay of Bengal, employing Portuguese to lay out his walls and moats and to
forge and mount his cannon. He appointed them as military officers to train and
equip a mercenary army of many races, and built, with their aid, a large fleet
manned with his own men. It was during his reign that the Mrauk-U architectural
style, draw¬ing on Burmese, Mon and Bengali prototypes, developed. The Rakhaing
navy became the scourge of the Bay of Ben¬gal, taking slaves from up and down
the coast as well as trad¬ing rice for luxury products for its aristocracy. The
Portuguese recorded that the navy comprised three hundred and fifty ves¬sels.
Ships coming from the Bay of Bengal usually approached via the Mayu River. There
was a customs checkpoint at Kwede, at the beginning of the river of that name
which joins the Mayu with the Kaladan. Upriver were trading posts for the
produce of the region, cotton goods and rice.
That Mrauk-U controlled the economy of the Kaladan and Lc-mro valleys and their
hinterlands can be seen not only in the widely scattered remains of religious
buildings and Bud¬dha images of the period but also in signs of occupancy of
other centres essential for trade and the defence of the city. In 1630 the
Portuguese traveller Sebastian Manrique found a massive image of the Buddha at
the head of a pass guarding the land route to Bengal. Punnakvun, on the left
bank of the Kaladan River, was strategically placed to control access by water
to Mrauk-U, and was the site of its naval base. The Urittaung pagoda stands on a
low, but steep and rocky hill opposite Punnyakyun. To the west of the pagoda are
two large and several smaller tanks. The ground here is strewn with earth¬enware
shards indicating a long period of settlement.
Meanwhile, in Bengal, the Mughals had arrived. The emperor Humayan conquered the
Sultanate of Gaur, thus initiating a long period of civil war. Min Bin took
advantage of this opportunity and occupied east Bengal with a combined fleet and
army movement. The province remained a vassal of Arakan for the next one hundred
and twenty years, till 1666. Its administra¬tion was left in the hands of twelve
local rajas, who paid an annual tribute to the Arakanese king's viceroy at
Chittagong.
From the west, Min Bin was threatened by the powerful Bur¬mese king
'Tabinshweti, who had already conquered the Mon country and was making war
against the Thais at Ayuthia. Tabinshweti invaded Arakan in 1546-7 with the help
of his Portuguese mercenaries and Mon levies. When the Burmese penetrated the
eastern defences of the city, Min Bin opened the sluices of his great reservoirs
and halted their advance. The Arakanese chronicles tell us that the Burmese,
unable to make headway, accepted the intercession of the Buddhist monks. The
opposing leaders met, had amicable discussions and the Bur¬mese returned home.
The Portuguese Jesuit Sebastian Manrique, describing a simi¬lar procession
before the coronation of King Sanda-thu¬dhamma wrote The Nobles and the other
men of rank gather at the palace whence, amongst music of all kinds, a huge
elephant emerged, richly caparisoned, with his ivory tusks adorned with rings of
gold and jewels. He carried on his back a howdah made of silver. It was open on
all four sides except for curtains of green and gold silver veiling. Inside it
was a tray of gold set with precious stones of immense value, which bore the
royal order containing the proclamation of the coronation. Just in front, before
the howdah, sat the Chique, or chief-justice at the Court, clothed in white
silver cloth covered with plaques of gold. In front of him was the
elephant-driver or cornaca in his usual place. He was dressed in red damask and
carried in his hand the accustomed implement with which that land vessel is
guided, in his instance of the finest gold. He was followed in due order by
thirty-two war elephants, dressed in silken cloths and ornamented with gold,
bearing the usual uncovered howdahs on their backs, made of wood but covered
with silver plates. They carried huge silver bells around their necks and had
rings of this same metal on their tusks. Each elephant had four silken banners
of various colours fastened to the howdah which trembled in the light breeze and
acted as flapping fans for their heated bodies.
When, in the east, the Mughal Emperor Akbar consolidated his hold on central and
western Bengal, Min Bin's successor Raza-gri protected his eastern frontier with
the aid of a menac¬ing group of Portuguese slavers and adventurers settled near
Chittagong, to whom he gave trade concessions.
In 1595 the Arakanese besieged and conquered the Mon capital of Pegu, deporting
3,000 households, and taking back a white elephant and a daughter of the fallen
king, bronze cannon and the thirty bronze images which the Burmese king
Bayin-naung had earlier seized when he conquered Ayuthia. They left in charge
Felipe de Britoy Nicote, one of their Portuguese merce-naries. For a short
period Arakan extended from Dacca to Moulmein, a narrow coastal strip some
thousand miles long.
But the causes of Arakan's greatness were also the causes of its downfall. The
thousands of Mughal, Burmese, Mon, Siamese and Portuguese mercenaries and
prisoners of war did not bear a strong allegiance to the king. With mercenary
support a pre¬tender, Narapati, came to the throne in 1638, and Arakan's power
began to decline. The influence of the Portuguese also waned as the Dutch gained
commercial advantage in the Bay of Bengal. King Sanda-thudamma temporarily
restored the country's glory by allowing the Dutch to settle at Mrauk-U. Wanting
to strike at Catholicism in Ceylon, the European new¬comers facilitated the
sending of Arakanese monks there to revive the Buddhist ordination rites which
had been in decline under the Portuguese.
Father Sebastian Manrique recorded that ......the city of Arracan according to
general opinion must have contained one hundred and sixty thousand Inhabitants,
excluding foreign merchants, of whom there was a great influx owing to the large
number of-ship trading with this port from Bengala, Musulipattam,Tenasserim,
Martaban,Achem and Jacatara. There were some other foreigners, too, some being
merchants and some soldiers, the latter being enlisted oil salaries, and were,
as 1 have said, Portuguese, Pegus, Burmese and Mogors .Besides these there were
many Christians of Japanese, Bengal and other nationalities.
Meanwhile, in India, Shah Shuja, the Mughal pretender who had been provincial
viceroy in Bengal, was defeated by his brother Aurangzeb who became Emperor at
Delhi. Shah Shuja sought refuge at the Arakanese court, where King
Sanda¬thudhamma is said to have lusted not only after his immense treasure but
also his daughter. Shuja in desperation attempted to overthrow the city, but was
defeated and executed along with his family. In retaliation the Mughals broke
the power of the Arakanese in east Bengal, enslaving many who had been slav-ers
and inducing the Portuguese to change their allegiance.
Many of Shuja's Indian followers are said to have remained in Arakan, where they
were employed as archers of the guard and proceeded to murder and set up kings
at will. Mrauk-U's decline continued for a century. The country was beset with
civil war and by a series of natural disasters such as awesome earthquakes,
although the Arakanese continued to raid the Bengal coast as late as the middle
of the eighteenth century. As soon as the kings of Burma regained their power
under the Alaungpaya dynasty, the Peguan territories were lost and Arakan's
southern borders were withdrawn to Cape Negrais.
After Sanda-thudhamma Arakan survived as a polity only because it had no
aggressive neighbour. The Moghuls had ceased to be an expanding power, and Burma
was becoming preoccu¬pied with the British. The power of the last of the many
kings of this period could extend only a few miles beyond the walls of Mrauk-U.
It came to an end in 1784 when the Burmese king Bodawpaya invaded and removed
the protector of the country, the Mahamuni image, to his capital at Amarapura.
Two hundred thousand Arakanese are said to have fled to In¬dia. These events
laid the seeds for the first Anglo-Burmese war, fought in Arakan in 1825. The
conquerors found the old city of Mrauk-U pestilential to its troops, and removed
them to a small fishing village at the mouth of the Kaladan River, which today
remains the capital of Rakhaing State of Sittwe.



